How and why Tinubu 'sidelined' Shettima

BY ABDULHAMID AL-GAZALI, APRIL 15, 2025 | 01:05 PM

There have been insinuations that Nigeria’s Vice President, Kashim Shettima, has been sidelined in the current administration by his principal, President Bola Tinubu.

Shettima, whom the president handpicked to join his ticket, is said to have been left out in the cold. These speculations have persisted for some time, with no public denial from the presidency. Similarly, neither Shettima nor his handlers have addressed the rumors, and their body language has remained conspicuously neutral.

For instance, the president has not transferred power to the vice president during any of his trips abroad, including those lasting weeks. During debates on tax reforms, inputs from the National Economic Council (NEC)—chaired by Shettima and typically central to such matters—were effectively ignored.

This perceived marginalization has unsettled Shettima’s bloc, particularly supporters who backed the All Progressives Congress (APC) due to his influence. A close ally of Shettima, speaking anonymously to avoid fueling rumors, revealed the VP’s camp is frustrated. “The VP’s camp is unhappy because he made significant sacrifices for the president. He stood against his own kinsman to ensure Tajuddeen Abbas became House Speaker. Many don’t know that Hon. Mukhtar Betera Aliyu, a contender, was one of Shettima’s oldest political allies. Without his intervention, Aliyu would have secured the position,” the source explained.

The source added that Shettima’s deep understanding of Northern Nigeria was pivotal to the APC’s electoral success. 'Shettima persuaded clerics, traditional rulers, and statesmen in the region to back Tinubu’s ticket. Tinubu had gone quiet immediately after his controversial remarks in Abeokuta. As a senator, Shettima independently promoted Tinubu’s brand and upheld the APC’s 2014 merger terms—long before knowing he’d be chosen as VP.'

The ally also suggested recent demands by North Central politicians to replace Shettima ahead of 2027 might be a “litmus test” orchestrated by powerbrokers. Prof. Nghargbu K’tso, leading stakeholders from the region, reportedly conditioned their 2027 support on Shettima’s removal. 'Why would the North Central make such demands now? There is no any logical basis to say that based on present situation. They’re just being used as pawns,' the source alleged.

Yusha’u Shuaib, the publisher of PRNigeria, in a May 2024 article, wrote: 'At the time Shettima began his support for President Tinubu, ‘some long-time loyalists of Bola Tinubu, including those he had appointed to offices during his governorship of Lagos (1999-2007), those he had influenced their appointments in strategic positions (2007-2015) and those he had endorsed for top public offices during the presidency of Muhammadu Buhari (2015-2023), were opposed to the Jagaban's aspiration.

‘Undeterred, Shettima, a skilled political strategist, championed Tinubu's brand, defying the presidency's body language and the APC leadership's political machinations.’

Tracing the origins of the rift

Public records hint at tensions emerging post-election. A photo from an APC victory dinner, where Shettima surrendered his seat to his wife due to poor seating arrangements, went viral, with netizens citing it as early evidence of his diminished standing.

Another source claimed Shettima was excluded from cabinet selections, even for ministers from his zone. 'The Agriculture Minister from his state wasn’t his pick. He was picked based on his contributions to the APC during the campaigns. Most of his aides were assigned to him, not chosen,' the source noted.

Mr. Shuaib, again in his original words, also added: ‘Since Tinubu’s government was inaugurated in May 2023, the vibrant and outspoken Shettima seems to have become a shadow of himself. Compared to previous holders of the same office, his current position as vice president seems less defined. Some agencies that should be under his supervision have been merged with other ministries that relate directly to the president, raising questions about his current influence and responsibilities.’

Root causes of the strain

A credible source traced the rift to the campaign period. 'Shettima’s supporters made reckless remarks because Tinubu looked frailty at the time. They are unspeakable remarks. Even if unintended, such comments reached the president’s inner circle,' the source said. Tinubu’s two major handlers, Chief of Staff Femi Gbajabiamila and First Lady Remi Tinubu, reportedly grew wary. 'The president’s team, as you know, may monitor such discussions closely, especially if they see the body language, the posture, and so on. This would definitely erode quickly,' the source added.

'Even if he cautioned them by himself and rebuked them severely, some of them wouldn't stop it,' he added.

Another insider framed the issue as a power struggle: 'In high-stakes politics, influence is paramount. Those close to the president guard their longstanding access jealously. The VP lost that battle.'

Despite this, Shettima has chosen statesmanship over confrontation. 'He’s handling it gracefully—never airing grievances publicly,' the source remarked in Hausa, adding that 'the VP would not want us to acknowledge this publicly, let alone discuss it. He is a gentleman, a complete statesman.'

Implications for 2027

The alleged rift could have significant repercussions.

As Shettima’s influence continues to be challenged by his inability to compensate his support base, because his wings remain clipped, it will weaken the contribution he can bring to the party in terms of electoral victory.

Similarly, if the insinuations are anything to go by, it is likely that Tinubu and his cabinet may find a reason to replace him.

Since his present situation leaves his influence to wane, it may serve as a good reason to drop him, even though this would most likely come at a great cost.

Replacing him might fracture the APC, which is already facing opposition coalitions and public discontent over economic policies. Moreover, sidelining Shettima risks alienating Northern supporters critical to the party’s success, including some governors and lawmakers who have very good relationships with him.

Similarly, the North East, his geopolitical zone, may have a reason to withdraw its support to APC in the election.

Muhammad Audu, a political observer, expressed disappointment: 'I backed Shettima hoping he’d drive development to Borno, the North East and of course the rest of the country. Now, he’s relegated to condolences and trivial duties. Why reward those who opposed him and marginalize his loyalists? I have no reason to support APC again.'

As 2027 approaches, Tinubu’s handling of this delicate dynamic could determine the APC’s fate—and his legacy.